WEBVTT

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A trace of oil on creek water
can be enough to start a search.

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It cannot tell you how much
oil the rock will give back.

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In the mountains near Waterton, that
difference became the centre of an early

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Canadian oil story.
A small company drilled.

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Oil appeared. A place acquired
the ambitious name Oil City.

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And a discovery that mattered enormously
to the imagination of an industry

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proved much harder to turn
into a lasting business.

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The story also left us
a puzzle in the paperwork.

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Later accounts repeat
thousands of barrels.

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A government report, citing the company
president's affidavit, records

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thousands of gallons.
The number looks familiar.

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The unit changes almost everything.

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This is GeoNavigate Industry Chatter.

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In this episode, we follow the well
commemorated as the first oil well in

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Western Canada: who backed it, what
the surviving records actually say, and

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why finding petroleum is only
the beginning of proving an oilfield.

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Our journey begins beside Cameron
Creek, before the company and before the

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derrick.

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The industrial story did not begin
with people arriving in a landscape where

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nobody knew about oil. Alberta's
historical account records Indigenous

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knowledge of the local seeps
before the drilling venture.

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It describes that knowledge reaching
John George Brown, better known as

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Kootenai Brown, and the surveyor
and geologist George Dawson.

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Brown and the Aldridge family later
collected small quantities of oil.

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The creek offered a clue that
a person could see and handle.

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Oil had reached the surface. Someone
might gather it, use it, or sell a little

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of it. But collecting a seep and supplying
a market from a drilled well are

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very different undertakings. A seep
shows that petroleum has found a route.

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It leaves open the questions that
matter to a producing business: where it

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came from, where it accumulated, and how
much connected rock could continue to

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deliver it. Those questions would follow
the prospectors from the creek bank

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to the bottom of the hole.

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By nineteen-oh-one, John
Lineham, Allan Patrick and G. K.

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Leeson had organized the Rocky
Mountain Development Company and begun

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drilling. Lineham brought
experience from other businesses.

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His biography describes interests
in cattle, lumber and property.

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This was a man accustomed to turning
an opportunity into an enterprise.

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Patrick's surveying background belonged
to another essential part of the

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frontier economy: locating land,
measuring it, and making plans for its

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use. Experience could help
assemble people and money.

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It could not make the reservoir larger.

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That distinction gives this company
a more interesting story than a simple

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tale of an unlucky amateur. A successful
businessman could recognize an

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opportunity, obtain equipment and persist
through difficulty, yet still find

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that the rock would not support
the business he imagined.

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The company was
an independent local venture.

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Its name belongs beside
this early discovery.

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We should not quietly attach it
to the family tree of a modern oil major

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without documents
establishing that connection.

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There are two dates to keep separate.

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Drilling began in nineteen-oh-one.

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The oil encounter followed
in nineteen-oh-two.

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The reported encounter was about
three hundred and ten metres below the

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surface. The early government record
gives roughly one thousand and twenty

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feet. Other commemorative
accounts differ slightly.

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That is a reason to speak carefully,
rather than manufacture precision from a

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record we do not possess. The original
day-by-day drilling log has not been

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recovered in our research. A later well
table is useful, but it is not that

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log. Imagine the work in stages: equipment
brought into a mountain valley, a

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drilling site established, a hole
advanced, and each new piece of evidence

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interpreted while money
and time continued to be spent.

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That is the setting of the story, not
a recovered account of every shift.

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A photograph from nineteen-oh-six shows
the actual well and its buildings.

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It is a valuable window into
the operation after the discovery.

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It is not a moving picture
of the moment oil was first encountered.

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The oil was real. The scale
of the success was the question.

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Here the surviving
paperwork changes the tone.

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The current Parks Canada plaque says
the well failed to yield the expected

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flow of three hundred barrels a day.

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That wording matters. An expectation
is not a sustained test.

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Now turn to geologist G. S. Hume's report
of fieldwork in nineteen-thirty-two,

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published in the following year.

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Discussing the original discovery
well, Hume cites an affidavit by John

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Lineham. The quantity recorded is eight
thousand gallons, described in the

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report as about two
hundred and thirty barrels.

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Seven hundred gallons were sold.

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That is a reported total volume.

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It is not a daily rate. We have inspected
the printed report, not the original

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affidavit. The distinction
should remain visible.

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But this is much stronger evidence
than silently repeating a larger number

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because it appears
in several later summaries.

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In his official geological
review in two thousand, P. A.

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Monahan explicitly
identified the approximately

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two-hundred-and-thirty-barrel estimate
as the most credible among the

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conflicting accounts. This is
not a newly discovered secret.

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It is a warning already present
in the technical literature.

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A historian and a wellsite geologist
share a useful habit here: keep the

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observation, its unit, its
source and its meaning together.

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Losing just one of them can turn a modest
result into an extraordinary claim.

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The geology offers a way
to understand that gap.

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The early reports discuss
petroleum moving through fractures.

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Later regional work describes oil
occurrences in the old rocks of the

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Purcell succession and considers younger
rocks below the Lewis thrust as a

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possible source. A source rock,
a migration pathway and a reservoir are

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different parts of a petroleum system.

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They do not have to occupy the same place.

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Think of a crack that can carry
fluid through otherwise tight rock.

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The crack may connect
the well to some oil.

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Whether that becomes a useful reservoir
depends on the volume connected to it,

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the ability of fluids to move,
and the way pressure changes as production

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continues. Those are general principles.

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They are not a reconstructed
pressure history for this well.

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Our diagram therefore shows a conceptual
pathway through fractured rock.

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It does not invent a pay thickness,
an exact fault intersection or a downhole

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log. Monahan's regional review itself
notes that the relationship to structure

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is less obvious at Waterton than
in some neighbouring occurrences.

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The seep was evidence worth investigating.

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It was never a complete reservoir model.

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The well's output dwindled. Parks Canada's
heritage account places the end of

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its brief producing life
in nineteen-oh-four.

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The later field report adds another
part of the record: drilling and fishing

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equipment remained in the bore,
and attempts to clean it out had not

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succeeded. In oilfield language, fishing
means trying to recover equipment

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from a well. It has nothing to do
with the creek running past the site.

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We should resist turning these
two observations into a perfectly

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choreographed failure scene. The records
we found do not establish the exact

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sequence of tool loss, obstruction
and declining production.

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They do not prove that one lost tool
explains the entire commercial outcome.

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What they do show is a difficult well
with a disappointing producing history.

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A hole that cannot be worked as intended
also limits the evidence available to

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the people trying to understand it.

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Mechanical access and geological
knowledge become entangled.

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Oil City is a powerful name because
it tells us what people hoped to see.

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A discovery can make land, buildings
and transport seem newly valuable before

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a field has demonstrated
lasting production.

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The company needs supplies.
People anticipate work.

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A camp becomes the starting point
for a much larger imagined future.

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But a planned town and a producing
oilfield are different kinds of evidence.

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Our visual treatment keeps them separate.

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A map can show where people explored.

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A photograph can show buildings that
existed when the photograph was made.

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Neither should become an invented
panorama of a prosperous city.

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The old geological sketch map
is useful for another reason.

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It puts the wells and surface
geology into a regional setting.

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It also reminds us how much interpretation
lay between a point on a map and a

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dependable understanding
of the subsurface.

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The name carried confidence.
The wells still had to earn it.

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Other operators kept trying. Western
Oil and Coal worked separately near

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Cameron Falls. Its venture must not
be folded into the Rocky Mountain

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Development Company's discovery as if
there were only one company and one

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hole. Official histories describe another
small oil result, without a lasting

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local producing field. Later reports
also name Patrick Oils and Oil City

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Royalties. By nineteen-thirty-two, Hume
could discuss a new operation near the

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old discovery while still
observing the earlier well.

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That is continuity of interest in a place.

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It does not, by itself, establish
a corporate merger or a successful line of

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succession. The repeated attempts
make sense as a human story.

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Oil was present. Earlier
claims were encouraging.

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A different location, a deeper hole
or a new interpretation might seem capable

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of changing the outcome. Persistence
can produce a breakthrough.

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It can also keep a difficult prospect
alive long after the first expectation

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has failed. Here, the records support
repeated exploration and limited oil

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production. They do not support turning
Oil City into a great commercial

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field.

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So which company became successful?

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For this episode, the honest answer is
narrower than a familiar rags-to-riches

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ending. Lineham had achieved
success in other businesses.

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The Rocky Mountain Development
Company made a historically important

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discovery. Those statements do not
show that this particular oil venture

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became a durable producer
or the ancestor of a modern major.

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A discovery can succeed as evidence
while disappointing as a business.

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It can persuade other people that
a region deserves investigation.

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It can draw attention,
investment and new questions.

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But another discovery somewhere else
belongs to its own wells, its own geology

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and its own company records. That is
how we should carry the story toward

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Turner Valley. Waterton helped
encourage the wider search.

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It did not prove the later field's
reservoir, and its company should not

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receive a corporate
connection we cannot verify.

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For anyone interpreting drilling today,
the practical lesson is familiar.

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An oil show is worth recording carefully.

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The next questions concern repeatability,
connected volume, flow and the

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conditions of the test. Excitement
can start the investigation.

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Evidence has to carry it forward.

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The site received national historic
designation in nineteen-sixty-five.

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A monument followed
in nineteen-sixty-eight.

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Its importance does not require
us to enlarge its production.

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The surviving story is already compelling:
known seeps, a local company, a

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difficult well, real oil, ambitious
expectations and a lasting influence on

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the search that followed. The most
revealing image may be the quietest one: a

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line in an old report, with the word
gallons still attached to the number.

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This is GeoNavigate Industry Chatter.

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Waterton's early well helped
people imagine an oil industry.

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Reading its record carefully helps us
understand what it actually achieved.

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Next in the historical series: Turner
Valley, and why its story has more than

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one discovery.
