WEBVTT

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Canada's oil story begins a long way from the image most of

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us carry in our heads. Before the big Alberta discoveries, before the

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oil sands plants, before the familiar service-station signs, there were shallow workings

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in the wet ground of southwestern Ontario.

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One major early business opportunity was light. A useful lamp fuel could

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extend the working day and illuminate a home. Asphalt could have a

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market, too. The challenge was to turn a troublesome substance in the

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ground into something people would buy.

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This is GeoNavigate Industry Chatter. I'm Dorian, your AI narrator. Our story

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is Before Alberta: Canada's First Oilfields and the Companies That Endured.

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We will meet two brothers with a promising company that struggled, a

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wagon maker who connected a well to a refinery, a man whose

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spectacular gusher failed to secure his future, and a family whose quieter

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approach kept producing across generations.

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Then we will follow the larger businesses: Imperial Oil, the separate Canadian

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Oil company behind White Rose, Shell, and the companies that became Suncor.

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The thread running through their histories is the difference between finding petroleum

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and building an enterprise around it. A discovery could start a rush.

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Keeping the business alive demanded a great deal more.

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The petroleum did not first become known when a company put its

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name on the land. The Oil Museum of Canada credits Anishinaabeg people

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with harvesting bitumen in the Oil Springs area before commercial development.

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That earlier knowledge belongs at the beginning of the account. The later

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well, the legal company and the industrial market were new developments around

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a substance that was already known.

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Another part of the story was unfolding farther east. Abraham Gesner, a

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physician and geologist from Nova Scotia, worked on making illuminating fuel from

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materials including coal, shale and bitumen. In eighteen forty-six, he demonstrated his

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lamp fuel in Charlottetown. The fuel would become known as kerosene.

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Gesner's work was a refining story. It helped establish that hydrocarbons could

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become a useful, saleable product. It was a different achievement from discovering

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a field of liquid oil.

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That distinction helps explain what the early entrepreneurs were looking for. They

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were not planning a network of gasoline stations for automobiles. They were

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trying to serve the markets of their own time.

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When we look back from a highway filling station, the outcome can

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seem obvious. To someone studying a patch of sticky ground in the

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eighteen fifties, the winning combination of raw material, process, transport and customers

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was still being worked out.

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In eighteen fifty-four, Charles Nelson Tripp, his brother Henry, and their investors

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incorporated the International Mining and Manufacturing Company.

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Its charter, approved on December eighteenth, is a useful starting point for

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the corporate history. This was an early Canadian petroleum enterprise, established several

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years before the famous Williams well.

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The brothers were interested in the gum beds of Enniskillen Township, in

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what is now southwestern Ontario. They worked with surface bitumen and pursued

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products including asphalt. Their asphalt earned recognition at the Paris exhibition in

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eighteen fifty-five.

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That sounds like the beginning of a success story: a Canadian resource,

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an incorporated business and an overseas exhibition.

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Yet recognition did not create a good road to the property, put

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enough money in the accounts, or bring distant customers closer. Provincial and

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museum histories describe the practical difficulties of transport and finance. The venture

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struggled.

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In the middle of the eighteen fifties, James Miller Williams acquired the

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Tripp interests. Accounts differ on the exact transfer year, but the larger

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change is clear. The brothers had demonstrated commercial possibilities without building an

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enduring operation of their own.

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This is the first warning against reading the industry backward. Being early

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was an opportunity. It was also a burden. The first business had

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to help establish the market and the infrastructure that later businesses could

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use.

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The Tripp company belongs among the pioneers. Its importance survives more clearly

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in the history than its original enterprise survived in business.

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Williams came from a manufacturing background, building carriages and railway cars. He

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brought a practical businessman's interest to the gum beds.

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In eighteen fifty-eight, his hand-dug well at Oil Springs yielded petroleum. The

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location was then in Canada West, before Confederation created the Dominion of

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Canada. Today it is in Ontario.

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That excavation is recognized as Canada's first commercial oil well. The word

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hand-dug matters. A shallow excavation and a drilled hole through rock are

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different things, and different kinds of first are often mixed together in

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retellings.

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Even Williams's immediate intention has competing versions. One account says he was

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looking for water. Another describes deliberate investigation of the petroleum deposit. The

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museum preserves both. We can be confident about the commercial result without

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pretending that every detail of the discovery is settled.

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Williams's achievement extended beyond the well. The Dictionary of Canadian Biography places

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his refining activity at Oil Springs by eighteen fifty-seven and a Hamilton

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refinery by eighteen sixty. His enterprise became associated with the Canadian Oil

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Company name.

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Here was a workable connection between resource, processing and customers. Crude oil

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had to become a usable product, and the product had to leave

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the field.

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Williams became a successful businessman. He sold the oil business to his

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son in eighteen seventy-nine. A University of Calgary Press history records the

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company's sale to Imperial Oil in eighteen ninety-one.

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There is an early answer to who succeeded: Williams built a business

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valuable enough to pass on and eventually sell into a larger enterprise.

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His legacy was more than the location of a hole.

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Oil Springs attracted people hoping for their own discovery. On January sixteenth,

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eighteen sixty-two, John Shaw brought in the field's celebrated gusher.

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Oil rose above the ground under its own pressure. The museum's account

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describes a struggle to contain the flow and oil escaping into Black

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Creek.

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For a crowd watching a well, that would have been an extraordinary

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display. For a business, the uncontrolled oil also represented lost product, wasted

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effort and damage to the surroundings.

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The name needs care. John Shaw was the discoverer. He was a

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different person from Hugh Nixon Shaw, whose refining work became entangled with

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the gusher story in later histories. Lambton County archival research returned to

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contemporary newspapers to resolve that confusion.

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The well's performance did not last. By early eighteen sixty-three, the initial

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flowing boom was fading. The museum reports that Shaw continued trying to

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make a living and that his eighteen seventy-one obituary described him dying

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in poverty.

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His experience makes the boom more human. The man attached to one

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of Canada's most memorable early wells did not receive a lifetime guarantee

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of wealth.

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Oil rushing from a well was only one part of an account

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that also contained land costs, equipment, storage, transport, debts and a declining

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source of production. A spectacular day could become a difficult year.

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John Henry Fairbank began his Oil Springs operation in eighteen sixty-one. His

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family's business became an example of endurance on a very different scale

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from the later national corporations.

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One of the most revealing parts of that history is the jerker-line

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pumping system, dated by Fairbank's company to eighteen sixty-three.

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Picture a central source of power sending a reciprocating motion through long

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lines to pumps at several wells. Instead of assigning a separate engine

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to every small producer, the operator could share power across a group

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of wells.

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The principle is easy to understand: a modest well has a better

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chance of paying if its operating costs are modest, too. That is

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an explanation of the economics, rather than a claim that one invention

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accounts for every year of the company's survival.

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Fairbank also worked on the route to market. He helped organize the

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railway connection from Petrolia to Wyoming in eighteen sixty-six. The rail link

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was another part of making oil worth producing.

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He later established a Petrolia refinery under the Home Oil Company name.

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That Ontario business was separate from the later western company with a

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similar name.

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The Oil Museum describes the Fairbank operation continuing across four generations. Its

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achievement is measured in longevity and workable production, rather than national size.

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As the initial excitement moved on, machinery could keep moving on a

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quieter property. Fairbank's place in the story reminds us that a successful

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oil business does not have to be the loudest one in the

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field.

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By the middle of the eighteen sixties, Petrolia was becoming another important

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centre of the Ontario oil industry. Producers and refiners were building a

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much more complicated business than the first gum-bed ventures.

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In eighteen eighty, sixteen southwestern Ontario refiners formed the Imperial Oil Company

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in London, Ontario.

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Those words are specific: sixteen refiners. Imperial was a consolidation of refining

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interests, not the company that had dug the first Canadian commercial well.

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Its early strength lay in processing and distribution. By eighteen ninety-three, its

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own corporate history records twenty-three branch offices reaching from Halifax to Victoria.

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That kind of network could bring products to customers far beyond the

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original oil district. It also required money.

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In eighteen ninety-eight, seeking expansion capital, Imperial sold a majority interest to

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the Standard Oil group in the United States. The business gained access

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to a larger organization while control changed.

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Imperial is therefore a Canadian industry success story with an international ownership

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story woven through it. Those facts belong together.

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Its major producing interests developed later. A federal competition inquiry dates its

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move backward into exploration and production to nineteen fourteen. The Imperial that

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eventually found oil at Norman Wells and Leduc had grown through decades

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of refining, selling and organizing capital.

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Our interpretation of that history is straightforward. Finding another field helped Imperial

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expand, but the company already possessed an organization capable of doing something

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with the discovery. The commercial structure was part of the achievement.

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There is a trap in the company names. Williams's Canadian Oil Company

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and the later Canadian Oil group associated with White Rose were separate

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enterprises.

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The later story includes a Canadian Oil Refining Company established in Petrolia

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in nineteen oh one, followed by combinations and reorganizations during the early

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nineteen hundreds.

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White Rose became the familiar name at the customer end of that

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business. Its history takes us from the nineteenth-century refinery district toward the

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twentieth-century service station.

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Shell's takeover unfolded in nineteen sixty-two and nineteen sixty-three. Power Corporation's history

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records the takeover bid in nineteen sixty-two. Shell dates its purchase of

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Canadian Oil's Sarnia refinery to nineteen sixty-three.

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That refinery had been built by Canadian Oil in nineteen fifty-two. The

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physical plant helps us see what a corporate transaction can mean: useful

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facilities, commercial relationships and operating activity can continue after the sign changes.

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The sale should not automatically be narrated as failure. It was a

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change of ownership, and the assets became part of a larger business.

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Shell itself had a separate Canadian history, beginning operations here in nineteen

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eleven. It was not simply Williams's old company with another name.

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For anyone collecting oil-company signs, the disappearing brand is visible. For anyone

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tracing the industry, the refinery, the customers and the company acquiring them

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are just as important.

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The western story developed through several different places and several different kinds

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of result.

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Near Waterton, the Rocky Mountain Development Company began drilling in nineteen oh

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one and encountered oil in nineteen oh two. The well encouraged speculation,

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but its production was short-lived. By nineteen oh four, the hoped-for lasting

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success had largely faded.

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Turner Valley was a more consequential development. Calgary Petroleum Products brought together

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William Stewart Herron's prospect and an investment group involving Archibald Dingman. Drilling

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began in nineteen thirteen.

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On May fourteenth, nineteen fourteen, Dingman Number One produced wet gas with

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valuable liquid hydrocarbons.

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Wet gas is gas carrying hydrocarbons that can be recovered as liquids.

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The discovery immediately raised questions about separation, processing and a market for

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the products.

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A destructive plant fire followed in nineteen twenty. Imperial took over the

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interests in nineteen twenty-one and created Royalite to run the operation.

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Then came further stages. Royalite Number Four opened deeper reserves in nineteen

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twenty-four. In nineteen thirty-six, Turner Valley Royalties Number One, drilled by a

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separate company, demonstrated the important crude-oil pool.

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These were distinct milestones. Compressing them into one discovery loses the process

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by which the field grew.

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Turner Valley also strengthens the business theme. Alberta's heritage account describes the

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importance of processing facilities, connections to pipelines and access to Imperial's refining.

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The resource and the means of selling it developed together.

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Imperial's northern discovery came in nineteen twenty, at the place that became

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Norman Wells on the Mackenzie River.

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The company's account acknowledges that Sahtú people knew the area's natural seepage

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long before the commercial well. Again, industrial development followed earlier knowledge of

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petroleum.

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Norman Wells built a production history lasting more than a century. In

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September twenty twenty-six, Imperial announced that production had been shut in. That

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gives the field a beginning, a long operating history and an end-of-production

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chapter.

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Farther south, Leduc Number One came into production on February thirteenth, nineteen

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forty-seven.

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The discovery helped transform the scale of Alberta's industry. It encouraged a

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much wider search and the investment needed to develop and move the

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oil that followed.

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Leduc belongs among the decisive Canadian oil discoveries. By then, however, the

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country already had nearly ninety years of commercial oil-well history, and Imperial

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itself already had producing interests.

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That longer view makes Leduc more interesting. A company formed by Ontario

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refiners in eighteen eighty had developed into an organization able to explore,

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finance and participate in a much larger western expansion.

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There was no straight, inevitable line from a muddy Ontario property to

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an Alberta discovery. There were different people, different geological settings, ownership changes,

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unsuccessful efforts and decades of accumulated capability.

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The scale changed dramatically. The old commercial questions remained recognizable: how much

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can the reservoir deliver, what will development cost, and how will the

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product reach a customer?

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Suncor's history follows another branch. It does not begin as a renamed

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Tripp or Williams company.

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Sun entered Canada in nineteen seventeen, supplying lubricating oils, kerosene and other

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products to war plants around Montreal. Once again, a business that would

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later be associated with enormous producing operations had an early Canadian history

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in supplying customers.

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Its oil sands chapter demanded a different kind of industrial commitment. A

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known bitumen deposit had to be connected to extraction, processing equipment and

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a reliable operating system.

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The Sun-backed Great Canadian Oil Sands plant began commercial operations in nineteen

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sixty-seven, near Fort McMurray.

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The business challenge extended well beyond establishing that petroleum was present. The

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machinery and processing had to work at commercial scale, with substantial capital

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committed before the operation could prove itself over time.

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In nineteen seventy-nine, Sun's Canadian operations and Great Canadian Oil Sands were

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amalgamated as Suncor.

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There are three dates worth keeping separate: Sun's Canadian entry in nineteen

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seventeen, the oil sands plant in nineteen sixty-seven, and the creation of

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Suncor in nineteen seventy-nine.

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Each describes a different stage of the enterprise. The eventual company name

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can make the earlier history look tidier than it was.

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This is another form of endurance: a products business, a major industrial

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project and a later corporate combination contributing to the company that survived.

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Petro-Canada arrived through a different route again: federal policy during the energy

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concerns of the nineteen seventies.

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The Petro-Canada Act established the Crown corporation in nineteen seventy-five. It began

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operations on January first, nineteen seventy-six.

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Its origin reminds us that Canada's oil industry was built by more

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than one kind of organization. Independent entrepreneurs, family operators, international groups and

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a federally created company all became part of it.

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Decades later, the Suncor and Petro-Canada histories joined. Their merger became effective

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on August first, two thousand nine.

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The combined business brought together production, refining and the Petro-Canada retail network.

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The Petro-Canada name continued where customers could recognize it.

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That is different from saying Petro-Canada remained the same independent company. A

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brand can continue within a larger enterprise.

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It is also different from saying the earlier company simply vanished without

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a legacy. People, facilities, customers and operating knowledge can outlast a corporate

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boundary.

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When we ask which oil companies became successful, the answer therefore needs

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room for several outcomes. Some preserved their names and organizations. Some continued

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as family businesses. Others helped build the businesses that acquired or merged

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with them.

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Return to southwestern Ontario and the early sequence becomes easier to see.

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The Tripp brothers helped establish the commercial possibilities of the gum beds,

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but their enterprise struggled. Williams connected oil production with refining and sales

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and built a business that could be transferred and acquired. Shaw's great

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gusher brought fame without lasting financial security.

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Fairbank developed an operation that endured across generations. Imperial combined refiners, distribution

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and capital, then grew into a major producing company. The separate White

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Rose business became part of Shell. Sun's Canadian business and Great Canadian

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Oil Sands formed Suncor, which later merged with Petro-Canada.

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Those are different histories, rather than a single family tree.

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The pattern we can draw from them is that useful technology, access

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to money, manageable costs and a route to customers helped turn petroleum

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into a lasting enterprise. None guaranteed success. Reservoirs declined, markets changed, operations

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failed and ownership moved.

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Business endurance also tells only part of the history. Indigenous knowledge and

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communities, the work of crews, and the effects of extraction on land

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and water belong in the larger account. A surviving company name does

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not settle every question about its legacy.

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Canada's oil industry began with people finding ways to make known hydrocarbons

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useful, then learning how to produce them commercially. The first oilfield chapter

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was written around Oil Springs and Petrolia. Alberta would later change its

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scale.

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The well made the discovery visible. The continuing work around it built

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the industry.

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For GeoNavigate Industry Chatter, I'm Dorian.
